By Sophie Clarke z3460475
Roger Rogerson has once again become the
newsworthy flavor of the month. I’m sure many Australian’s thought, “What has
he done this time?”, when his ageing face featured in news bulletins, or his
name was splashed across news websites. But who exactly is this name on the
tips of so many journalists’ tongues? Mr. Rogerson is a former police officer
with a tainted past; linked to police corruption, imprisoned over charges of
perverting the course of justice, associated with notorious criminals and was acquitted
of charges of conspiracy to murder (Mercer, 2014).
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| Roger Rogerson Source: Sydney Morning Herald |
It is alleged that Mr. Rogerson has been up
to his old tricks, having been charged for the murder of Student Jaime Gao May
27th 2014 (Morri and McClellan, 2014). Copious amounts of media
reports over the past few days appear to include various aspects of Chibnall’s
1977’s theory of elements required to create a popular crime story. These
include, firstly, that the crime be immediate,
with details constantly emerging (Chibnall 1977, p.206). Secondly, the crime
involves personalisation through the
involvement of a public identity and finally, conventionalism, the notion that crime stories appeal to readers
through the appearance of recognisable persons that are “common sense” to readers
(Chibnall 1977, p.206, 209). But what is most intriguing about the media
reports on this case is the representations of police, and the use of images to
construct of crime news.
Lee and McGovern 2014 analyze how there has
been two distinct era’s in recent NSW police history, the first occurring pre
1980’s; characterized by corruption and limited dealings with the media (p. 24,
25). The second era occurring with the advent of various commissions into the
police force during the 1980’s that spurred on a proactive and professional relationship
between the police and media (Lee and McGovern 2014, p. 26-7).
The accused, Mr. Rogerson, could be seen as
a symbol of the ‘old school’, pre-1980’s police force that is often associated
with corruption, ‘dirty’ policing and closed doors to the media. However, in
recent media reports he is subtly, (or not so subtly: http://www.theage.com.au/comment/roger-rogerson-myth-can-stand-no-longer-20140527-zrpmw.html
) contrasted with the transparent, post 1980’s proactive police force that
protects the community with immediate results and openly provides information
to the media and public.
Nevertheless, one does wonder whether the
police allowed the media to film the arrest of Mr. Rogerson at his family home,
despite alleged prior arrangements that he would present himself to an
inner-city police station later that afternoon. Was it in an effort to, firstly, maintain and improve public
confidence that the police are achieving their crime fighting purpose? Which
Fleming and McLaughlin argue is a major aim of the police force (pg 200) and
Bradford and Jackson suggest fosters a relationship of trust between the public
and the police (2010). But secondly, was the filming allowed to send the
message to the public that the chapter of police history that Roger Rogerson
represents is well and truly finished. And to distance themselves from the
corrupt and ‘hit first ask questions later’ mentality of the pre 1980’s police
force?
WARNING GRAPHIC IMAGE CONTENT
![]() |
| Source: Daily Telegraphy |
However, the binary depiction between the
old and new police force is not the only noteworthy characteristic of this
case. As news began to break and
the story of Jaime Gao’s disappearance and suspected murder began to unfold,
the media chose to release photos of an unidentified body wrapped in tarpaulin
floating at sea found by a local fisherman. Jewkes 2011 identifies that graphic
images, particularly caught by by-standers and witnesses play a significant
role in determining a story’s ‘newsworthiness’ (pg. 59,60). But this raises the
chilling question, are the public’s senses so numbed and desensitized that a
picture of body floating at sea is required to construct crime news that
captures our attention? Or are the media pushing the boundary of what is
considered acceptable too far - assuming that consumers of crime will be
automatically be accepting? I think that it is a combination of both consumers
wanting more graphic and engaging stories to whet their appetites, but also a
willingness of the media to provide such revenue raising measures.
References:
Chibnall, S 1977, Law-and-order News: An Analysis of Crime Reporting in the British Press,
Tavistock, London.
Goodsir, D 2014, ‘Roger Rogerson myth can
stand no longer’, The Age, 27 May. Available
at http://www.theage.com.au/comment/roger-rogerson-myth-can-stand-no-longer-20140527-zrpmw.html
Jewkes, Y 2011, Media and Crime, 2nd edn, Sage, London.
Lee, M McGovern A 2014, Policing and Media, Routledge, London.
Mercer, N 2014, ‘Roger Rogerson: A long
crooked tale’, Sydney Morning Herald,
1 June. Available at: http://www.smh.com.au/nsw/roger-rogerson-a-long-and-crooked-tale-20140531-39atz.html
Morri, M McClellan B 2014, ‘Roger Rogerson
charged over Jaime Gao murder; Gao shot twice in the chest, police allege’, The Australian, 27 May. Available at http://www.theaustralian.com.au/news/roger-rogerson-charged-over-jamie-gao-murder-gao-shot-twice-in-the-chest-police-allege/story-e6frg6n6-1226932647224


Great analysis. The case certainly highlights many of the news values Chibnall and others have outlined. Good discussion.
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