By Sophie Clarke z3460475
First year criminology, one of the first
topics is about the influence of the media upon politics and crime policy. So it really came as no surprise when
the liquor and lockout laws were introduced earlier, in January this year.
Over the past few years, the media has taken
upon themselves to voice a new crusade; they have decided that the worthy agenda
they should devote their articles towards is demanding harsher penalties for people
who perpetrate ‘king hits’. Otherwise known as coward punches, it is a form of
assault that consist of the accused rendering the victim unconscious or even
dead after one hit. Over the
course of 2012 and 2013, two young men (Thomas Kelly and Daniel Christie) were killed
in Sydney’s party district Kings Cross, falling victim to these ‘king hits’. There
was a loud outcry in the media regarding the four year sentence given to Kieran
Loveridge, who was responsible for the deadly attack upon Thomas Kelly (Bibby,
2014).
![]() |
| Source: News Limited |
Hogg and Brown provide an analysis of law
and order issues such as this, which argues that often the media perpetuate
themes of ‘common sense’ crime policy as a resolution to any apparent problem
in society (1998). One of the major common sense policies is “we need tougher
penalties” (Hoggs and Brown 1998, p. 38). This is clearly evident within the
current media discourse, for example within the following article: http://www.dailytelegraph.com.au/news/nsw/dpp-calls-for-tougher-sentence-on-kieran-loveridge-over-thomas-kelly-coward-punch/story-fni0cx12-1226908818738
. The rhetoric calling for harsher punishments clearly made a political impact
with one of the major changes within the scheme being the alteration of the Crimes (Sentencing Procedure) Act 1999
(NSW) to now include a variety of minimum mandatory sentences, both for king hits
(one punch assaults) and for violent offense that occur under the influence of
alcohol or drugs (source: http://www.nsw.gov.au/alcohol-and-drug-fuelled-violence-initiatives).
The second major change within the scheme
was the introduction of ‘lockouts’, prohibiting entry to clubs in certain
districts after 1:30am and a prohibition of purchasing alcoholic drinks after
3am in the same venues. The media
rhetoric surrounding this issue was more of a secondary concern, an offshoot of
cries for harsher penalties for king hitters. However the rhetoric still
faintly echoed other ‘common sense’ criteria outlined by Hogg and Brown,
regarding nostalgia of crime in the past (1998, p. 27). The media was filled
with discourse shaming the current young generations for their wild drunken
antics causing crime in Kings cross, supporting measures to stop nightclub
goers from disturbing the peace through lockout legislation.
However, despite the assumptions one might
make about society being pleased that popular demands for tougher crime laws
were satisfied, there still remains a large amount of individuals who are
discontent with the laws. Newspapers such as the Daily Telegraph demonstrated
their fickle nature once again through publishing stories criticizing the
measure they once rallied for:
It appears that, similar to Mawby’s 2010
hypothesis, that increasingly law and order issues and the relationship between
crime, media and politics is becoming increasingly blurred; because the media’s
“claims of truth and accuracy can be contested” (p. 1073). Mawby supposes that
society and societal values have altered since Chibnall’s grand assessment of law
and order reporting, with an growing complexity within societal perceptions of
governmental responses to the media’s agenda setting regarding crime
(2010).
I think this particular example
demonstrates that when it comes to the media, it will never be satisfied by the
policy responses put in place by the political parties of the time. The
government responses will always be criticized, either for being too weak or
too harsh or not targeting the ‘right’ crime. It appears to be a futile chasing
game of the government endlessly attempting to satisfy the demands of the media
in terms of crime policy in order to garner wider political support.
References:
Bibby, P 2014, ‘Keiran Loveridge’s sentence
for killing Thomas Kelly too law, appeal court hears’, Sydney Morning Herald, 7 May 2014. Available at: http://www.smh.com.au/nsw/keiran-loveridges-sentence-for-killing-thomas-kelly-too-low-appeal-court-hears-20140507-zr69x.html).
Crimes
(Sentencing Procedure) Act 1999 (NSW)
Dale, A 2014, ‘DPP calls for tougher
sentence on Kieran Loveridge over Thomas Kelly coward punch’, The Daily Telegraph, 7 May. Available
here: http://www.dailytelegraph.com.au/news/nsw/dpp-calls-for-tougher-sentence-on-kieran-loveridge-over-thomas-kelly-coward-punch/story-fni0cx12-1226908818738
.
Hogg, R Brown D 1998, Rethinking Law and Order, Pluto Press, Sydney.
Mawby R, 2010 ‘Chibnall revisted: Crime
reporters, the police and ‘Law-and-order news’, British Journal of Criminology, vol. 50, pp. 1060-1076.
McClellan, B Van Den Broeke L 2014,
‘Lockout laws: crime stats show violence spreading outside nightclubs’, The Daily Telegraph, 2 June 2014. Available
at: http://www.dailytelegraph.com.au/news/nsw/lockout-laws-crime-stats-show-violence-spreading-outside-nightclubs/story-fni0cx12-1226939939659
http://www.nsw.gov.au/alcohol-and-drug-fuelled-violence-initiatives
Accessed 4 June 2014.


Great use of Hogg & Brown and Mawby to interpret and analyse the conditions within which these policies have developed around the issue of alcohol fuelled violence. Well researched and written.
ReplyDeleteAlyce